More ways to *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalization
The result's identifiers
Result code in IS VaVaI
<a href="https://www.isvavai.cz/riv?ss=detail&h=RIV%2F00216224%3A14210%2F17%3A00095181" target="_blank" >RIV/00216224:14210/17:00095181 - isvavai.cz</a>
Result on the web
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DOI - Digital Object Identifier
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Alternative languages
Result language
angličtina
Original language name
More ways to *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalization
Original language description
In the talk, I pick up the general topic of whether *ABA patterns lead uniformly to the so-called cummulative decomposition (Bobaljik 2012) or not, and I argue that there are in fact more ways to get a *ABA pattern. As a specific case, I look at the marking of datives, allatives and locatives. Blansitt (1988) has observed that these roles may show various syncretisms, with the exception of dative and locative being syncretic to the exclusion of the allative, an instance of the so-called *ABA generalization. I explore its implementation in terms of feature decomposition, showing first why classical nesting structures (pioneered in Jonathan Bobaljik's work on adjectival suppletion) won't work for this particular case, and proposing an alternative in terms of the so-called overlapping decomposition.
Czech name
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Czech description
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Classification
Type
O - Miscellaneous
CEP classification
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OECD FORD branch
60203 - Linguistics
Result continuities
Project
<a href="/en/project/GA17-10144S" target="_blank" >GA17-10144S: Exploring Contiguity</a><br>
Continuities
P - Projekt vyzkumu a vyvoje financovany z verejnych zdroju (s odkazem do CEP)
Others
Publication year
2017
Confidentiality
S - Úplné a pravdivé údaje o projektu nepodléhají ochraně podle zvláštních právních předpisů