How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalisation

Kód výsledku v IS VaVaI

<a href="https://www.isvavai.cz/riv?ss=detail&h=RIV%2F00216224%3A14210%2F17%3A00094806" target="_blank" >RIV/00216224:14210/17:00094806 - isvavai.cz</a>

Výsledek na webu

<a href="https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/abstract/10.5334/gjgl.348/" target="_blank" >https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/abstract/10.5334/gjgl.348/</a>

DOI - Digital Object Identifier

<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.348" target="_blank" >10.5334/gjgl.348</a>

Jazyk výsledku

angličtina

Název v původním jazyce

How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalisation

Popis výsledku v původním jazyce

In this paper, I provide an account for the so-called Blansitt›s generalisation (Blansitt 1988). The generalisation says that in the linear sequence dative—allative—locative, only adjacent functions may be marked the same. In previous work (Bobaljik 2012; Starke 2009; Caha 2009), analogous *ABA patterns have been encoded by the so-called feature cumulation. Feature cumulation means that the amount of features characteristic for individual categories monotonically grows in the order given in any such sequence. However, Blansitt observes that in the case of datives, allatives and locatives, the allative (which is in the middle) tends to be composed of the dative and the locative, so the account based on cumulation does not work. The present paper thus argues for a different representation of the underlying categories, namely as containing (abstractly) the features a, ab and b respectively (following in part Bobaljik &amp; Sauerland 2017). I refer to this as the “overlapping” decomposition. When such a decomposition is combined with the Superset Principle (Starke 2009), it yields both the *ABA restriction and the observed syncretism and containment patterns.

Název v anglickém jazyce

How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalisation

Popis výsledku anglicky

In this paper, I provide an account for the so-called Blansitt›s generalisation (Blansitt 1988). The generalisation says that in the linear sequence dative—allative—locative, only adjacent functions may be marked the same. In previous work (Bobaljik 2012; Starke 2009; Caha 2009), analogous *ABA patterns have been encoded by the so-called feature cumulation. Feature cumulation means that the amount of features characteristic for individual categories monotonically grows in the order given in any such sequence. However, Blansitt observes that in the case of datives, allatives and locatives, the allative (which is in the middle) tends to be composed of the dative and the locative, so the account based on cumulation does not work. The present paper thus argues for a different representation of the underlying categories, namely as containing (abstractly) the features a, ab and b respectively (following in part Bobaljik &amp; Sauerland 2017). I refer to this as the “overlapping” decomposition. When such a decomposition is combined with the Superset Principle (Starke 2009), it yields both the *ABA restriction and the observed syncretism and containment patterns.

Druh

J_imp - Článek v periodiku v databázi Web of Science

CEP obor

—

OECD FORD obor

60203 - Linguistics

Projekt

<a href="/cs/project/GA17-10144S" target="_blank" >GA17-10144S: Lineární kontiguita v jazyce</a><br>

Návaznosti

P - Projekt vyzkumu a vyvoje financovany z verejnych zdroju (s odkazem do CEP)

Rok uplatnění

2017

Kód důvěrnosti údajů

S - Úplné a pravdivé údaje o projektu nepodléhají ochraně podle zvláštních právních předpisů

Název periodika

Glossa : a journal of general linguistics

ISSN

2397-1835

e-ISSN

—

Svazek periodika

2

Číslo periodika v rámci svazku

1

Stát vydavatele periodika

GB - Spojené království Velké Británie a Severního Irska

Počet stran výsledku

32

Strana od-do

84

Kód UT WoS článku

000415685600002

EID výsledku v databázi Scopus

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