Parts, wholes, clusters and a unified notion of parthood

Kód výsledku v IS VaVaI

<a href="https://www.isvavai.cz/riv?ss=detail&h=RIV%2F00216224%3A14210%2F19%3A00108025" target="_blank" >RIV/00216224:14210/19:00108025 - isvavai.cz</a>

Výsledek na webu

<a href="https://www.leibniz-zas.de/en/about-us/events/details/events/5887-talk-by-marcin-wagiel-in-the-semant/" target="_blank" >https://www.leibniz-zas.de/en/about-us/events/details/events/5887-talk-by-marcin-wagiel-in-the-semant/</a>

DOI - Digital Object Identifier

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Jazyk výsledku

angličtina

Název v původním jazyce

Parts, wholes, clusters and a unified notion of parthood

Popis výsledku v původním jazyce

In the talk, I will argue in favor of a mereotopological approach to nominal semantics (Grimm 2012; see also Casati &amp; Varzi 1999) based on the evidence from the cross-linguistic distribution of proportional quantifiers such as *part* (Moltmann 1997), partitives including Italian irregular plurals (Ojeda 1995, Acquaviva 2008) and *whole* adjectives (Moltmann 1997, Morzycki 2002). The general claim is that singularities and pluralities do not involve two distinct mereological structures as typically assumed in standard lattice-theoretic approaches (e.g., Link 1983, Landman 2000, Champollion 2017) but rather that they share a unified notion of parthood and differ in the way parts are arranged with respect to each other. While count singulars encode a notion of integrity, regular plurals do not specify any topological relation between the parts of a whole. On the other hand, Italian irregular plurals designate clusters, i.e., plural entities that incorporate a topological notion of connectedness to hold between parts of a plural yet integrated individual. I will argue that the empirical evidence calls for a radical rethinking of the ontology of nominal semantics.

Název v anglickém jazyce

Parts, wholes, clusters and a unified notion of parthood

Popis výsledku anglicky

In the talk, I will argue in favor of a mereotopological approach to nominal semantics (Grimm 2012; see also Casati &amp; Varzi 1999) based on the evidence from the cross-linguistic distribution of proportional quantifiers such as *part* (Moltmann 1997), partitives including Italian irregular plurals (Ojeda 1995, Acquaviva 2008) and *whole* adjectives (Moltmann 1997, Morzycki 2002). The general claim is that singularities and pluralities do not involve two distinct mereological structures as typically assumed in standard lattice-theoretic approaches (e.g., Link 1983, Landman 2000, Champollion 2017) but rather that they share a unified notion of parthood and differ in the way parts are arranged with respect to each other. While count singulars encode a notion of integrity, regular plurals do not specify any topological relation between the parts of a whole. On the other hand, Italian irregular plurals designate clusters, i.e., plural entities that incorporate a topological notion of connectedness to hold between parts of a plural yet integrated individual. I will argue that the empirical evidence calls for a radical rethinking of the ontology of nominal semantics.

Druh

O - Ostatní výsledky

CEP obor

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OECD FORD obor

60203 - Linguistics

Projekt

<a href="/cs/project/GA17-16111S" target="_blank" >GA17-16111S: Formální přístupy ke gramatickému číslu ve slovanských jazycích</a><br>

Návaznosti

P - Projekt vyzkumu a vyvoje financovany z verejnych zdroju (s odkazem do CEP)

Rok uplatnění

2019

Kód důvěrnosti údajů

S - Úplné a pravdivé údaje o projektu nepodléhají ochraně podle zvláštních právních předpisů