Hungarian media policy 2010 – 2018: the illiberal shift.

Kód výsledku v IS VaVaI

<a href="https://www.isvavai.cz/riv?ss=detail&h=RIV%2F00216224%3A14230%2F20%3A00116914" target="_blank" >RIV/00216224:14230/20:00116914 - isvavai.cz</a>

Výsledek na webu

<a href="http://labcom.ubi.pt/book/346" target="_blank" >http://labcom.ubi.pt/book/346</a>

DOI - Digital Object Identifier

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Jazyk výsledku

angličtina

Název v původním jazyce

Hungarian media policy 2010 – 2018: the illiberal shift.

Popis výsledku v původním jazyce

The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s governments have abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process.

Název v anglickém jazyce

Hungarian media policy 2010 – 2018: the illiberal shift.

Popis výsledku anglicky

The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s governments have abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process.

Druh

C - Kapitola v odborné knize

CEP obor

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OECD FORD obor

50800 - Media and communications

Projekt

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Návaznosti

I - Institucionalni podpora na dlouhodoby koncepcni rozvoj vyzkumne organizace

Rok uplatnění

2020

Kód důvěrnosti údajů

S - Úplné a pravdivé údaje o projektu nepodléhají ochraně podle zvláštních právních předpisů

Název knihy nebo sborníku

Pathologies and dysfunctions of democracy in the media context. 2nd vol.

ISBN

9789896546489

Počet stran výsledku

15

Strana od-do

81-95

Počet stran knihy

195

Název nakladatele

Beira Interior University

Místo vydání

Covilha, Beira (Portugalsko)

Kód UT WoS kapitoly

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