The prehistory of the Classical Armenian weak aorist

Kód výsledku v IS VaVaI

<a href="https://www.isvavai.cz/riv?ss=detail&h=RIV%2F00216208%3A11210%2F18%3A10389722" target="_blank" >RIV/00216208:11210/18:10389722 - isvavai.cz</a>

Výsledek na webu

<a href="https://doi.org/10.30842/alp2306573714104" target="_blank" >https://doi.org/10.30842/alp2306573714104</a>

DOI - Digital Object Identifier

<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/alp2306573714104" target="_blank" >10.30842/alp2306573714104</a>

Jazyk výsledku

angličtina

Název v původním jazyce

The prehistory of the Classical Armenian weak aorist

Popis výsledku v původním jazyce

Classical Armenian aorists are traditionally divided into strong (root) and weak, the latter characterized by a stem-final -cʻ-. The great majority of weak aorists to presents in -em and -im take the suffix -eacʻ ~ -ecʻ- (e.g. sirecʻi, 3sg. sireacʻ &apos;loved&apos; to pres. sirem), but a small group are in -acʻ- (e.g. asacʻi &apos;said&apos; to pres. asem). Weak aorists to presents in -am always take the suffix -acʻ- (e.g. yusacʻay &apos;hoped&apos;, luacʻi &apos;washed&apos; to pres. yusam, luanam), while a small set have a bare -cʻ- following the root (e.g. lcʻi &apos;filled&apos;, 3sg. elicʻ). The origin of these suffixes has been debated for over a century, but no satisfactory explanation of their shape and distribution has yet been proposed. It is argued that the weak aorist suffix goes back to *-ā-, in origin a (post-)PIE optative in *-e-h2-, and is cognate with Balto-Slavic preterite *-ā- and Italic imperfect *-ā-. The productive denominative and factitive presents in PIE *-eye/o- thus formed an aorist in *-eyā-. Contrary to received opinion, unlike vowels which came into contact following the loss of intervocalic *y did not contract, so the sequence *-eyā- yielded the diphthong *e‿a and spread to the aorists of almost all presents in -em, leaving only a small relic group in -acʻ-. The *-ch- of the weak aorist marker continues PIE *-sḱe/o- and was generalized from iterative-intensive imperfects to all imperfect-aorists, before the creation of the new imperfect in -i/y-. These hypotheses are integrated into a unified model of the evolution of the Classical Armenian verb that also accounts for the relic type of berem &apos;carry&apos;, aor. beri and the distribution of strong and weak aorists to nasal presents, e.g. erduay &apos;feared&apos; (pres. erdnum) vs. lcʻi &apos;filled&apos; (pres. lnum).

Název v anglickém jazyce

The prehistory of the Classical Armenian weak aorist

Popis výsledku anglicky

Classical Armenian aorists are traditionally divided into strong (root) and weak, the latter characterized by a stem-final -cʻ-. The great majority of weak aorists to presents in -em and -im take the suffix -eacʻ ~ -ecʻ- (e.g. sirecʻi, 3sg. sireacʻ &apos;loved&apos; to pres. sirem), but a small group are in -acʻ- (e.g. asacʻi &apos;said&apos; to pres. asem). Weak aorists to presents in -am always take the suffix -acʻ- (e.g. yusacʻay &apos;hoped&apos;, luacʻi &apos;washed&apos; to pres. yusam, luanam), while a small set have a bare -cʻ- following the root (e.g. lcʻi &apos;filled&apos;, 3sg. elicʻ). The origin of these suffixes has been debated for over a century, but no satisfactory explanation of their shape and distribution has yet been proposed. It is argued that the weak aorist suffix goes back to *-ā-, in origin a (post-)PIE optative in *-e-h2-, and is cognate with Balto-Slavic preterite *-ā- and Italic imperfect *-ā-. The productive denominative and factitive presents in PIE *-eye/o- thus formed an aorist in *-eyā-. Contrary to received opinion, unlike vowels which came into contact following the loss of intervocalic *y did not contract, so the sequence *-eyā- yielded the diphthong *e‿a and spread to the aorists of almost all presents in -em, leaving only a small relic group in -acʻ-. The *-ch- of the weak aorist marker continues PIE *-sḱe/o- and was generalized from iterative-intensive imperfects to all imperfect-aorists, before the creation of the new imperfect in -i/y-. These hypotheses are integrated into a unified model of the evolution of the Classical Armenian verb that also accounts for the relic type of berem &apos;carry&apos;, aor. beri and the distribution of strong and weak aorists to nasal presents, e.g. erduay &apos;feared&apos; (pres. erdnum) vs. lcʻi &apos;filled&apos; (pres. lnum).

Druh

J_ost - Ostatní články v recenzovaných periodicích

CEP obor

—

OECD FORD obor

60203 - Linguistics

Projekt

<a href="/cs/project/GA17-19400S" target="_blank" >GA17-19400S: Balbínova Diva Montis Sancti (1665) a její převody do národních jazyků jako jeden z typů barokních překladů</a><br>

Návaznosti

I - Institucionalni podpora na dlouhodoby koncepcni rozvoj vyzkumne organizace

Rok uplatnění

2018

Kód důvěrnosti údajů

S - Úplné a pravdivé údaje o projektu nepodléhají ochraně podle zvláštních právních předpisů

Název periodika

Acta Linguistica Petropolitana

ISSN

2306-5737

e-ISSN

—

Svazek periodika

14

Číslo periodika v rámci svazku

1

Stát vydavatele periodika

RU - Ruská federace

Počet stran výsledku

51

Strana od-do

86-136

Kód UT WoS článku

—

EID výsledku v databázi Scopus

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