Old English cyme and the Proto-Indo-European aorist optative in Germanic
Identifikátory výsledku
Kód výsledku v IS VaVaI
<a href="https://www.isvavai.cz/riv?ss=detail&h=RIV%2F00216208%3A11210%2F18%3A10389924" target="_blank" >RIV/00216208:11210/18:10389924 - isvavai.cz</a>
Výsledek na webu
<a href="https://verso.is.cuni.cz/pub/verso.fpl?fname=obd_publikace_handle&handle=zGLgCx-2iq" target="_blank" >https://verso.is.cuni.cz/pub/verso.fpl?fname=obd_publikace_handle&handle=zGLgCx-2iq</a>
DOI - Digital Object Identifier
<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-968X.12147" target="_blank" >10.1111/1467-968X.12147</a>
Alternativní jazyky
Jazyk výsledku
angličtina
Název v původním jazyce
Old English cyme and the Proto-Indo-European aorist optative in Germanic
Popis výsledku v původním jazyce
Although it has long been known that the Germanic subjunctive continues the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) optative, and several Germanic strong presents appear to continue reinterpreted PIE aorist subjunctives, the fate of PIE aorist optatives as a morphological category in Germanic has never been explicitly considered. Taking as a starting point Old English cuman 'come' and its cognates, the author argues that if the present indicative goes back to the PIE aorist subjunctive *gwém-e/o- of the root *gwem- (cf. Vedic gámat(i), Gāθā Avestan jamaitī), this at once explains why the OE present subjunctive cyme with its synchronically irregular i-umlaut continues the PIE aorist optative of the same root, attested e.g. in Avestan jamiiāt̰. The root vowel of cuman is the result of either language-specific sound changes as in Old Norse koma and later Old High German coman or, more probably, backformation to cyme; the latter has apparently also taken place in Old Frisian kuma ~ koma, Old Saxon kuman and so may be dated to the period before the breakup of the Ingvaeonic dialect continuum. The remainder of the paper discusses other potential reflexes of PIE root aorist optatives in Germanic, and offers an explanation for their disappearance.
Název v anglickém jazyce
Old English cyme and the Proto-Indo-European aorist optative in Germanic
Popis výsledku anglicky
Although it has long been known that the Germanic subjunctive continues the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) optative, and several Germanic strong presents appear to continue reinterpreted PIE aorist subjunctives, the fate of PIE aorist optatives as a morphological category in Germanic has never been explicitly considered. Taking as a starting point Old English cuman 'come' and its cognates, the author argues that if the present indicative goes back to the PIE aorist subjunctive *gwém-e/o- of the root *gwem- (cf. Vedic gámat(i), Gāθā Avestan jamaitī), this at once explains why the OE present subjunctive cyme with its synchronically irregular i-umlaut continues the PIE aorist optative of the same root, attested e.g. in Avestan jamiiāt̰. The root vowel of cuman is the result of either language-specific sound changes as in Old Norse koma and later Old High German coman or, more probably, backformation to cyme; the latter has apparently also taken place in Old Frisian kuma ~ koma, Old Saxon kuman and so may be dated to the period before the breakup of the Ingvaeonic dialect continuum. The remainder of the paper discusses other potential reflexes of PIE root aorist optatives in Germanic, and offers an explanation for their disappearance.
Klasifikace
Druh
J<sub>imp</sub> - Článek v periodiku v databázi Web of Science
CEP obor
—
OECD FORD obor
60203 - Linguistics
Návaznosti výsledku
Projekt
—
Návaznosti
I - Institucionalni podpora na dlouhodoby koncepcni rozvoj vyzkumne organizace
Ostatní
Rok uplatnění
2018
Kód důvěrnosti údajů
S - Úplné a pravdivé údaje o projektu nepodléhají ochraně podle zvláštních právních předpisů
Údaje specifické pro druh výsledku
Název periodika
Transactions of the Philological Society [online]
ISSN
1467-968X
e-ISSN
—
Svazek periodika
117
Číslo periodika v rámci svazku
1
Stát vydavatele periodika
GB - Spojené království Velké Británie a Severního Irska
Počet stran výsledku
16
Strana od-do
—
Kód UT WoS článku
000460303400005
EID výsledku v databázi Scopus
—